Docket 25A1314
Allen v. Milligan
DecidedJun 2, 2026
Per Curiamdecision
Source: CourtListener.
Supreme Court blocks Alabama court-ordered redistricting map ahead of 2026 elections
What it does
The Court paused (stayed) a federal district court order that had blocked Alabama from using its 2023 congressional map and replaced it with a court-drawn remedial map. This means Alabama's 2026 congressional elections will proceed under the state's own 2023 map, not the court-ordered one, while the appeal continues. The stay applies the updated legal standards from Louisiana v. Callais, which tightened what plaintiffs must prove to win a Voting Rights Act redistricting claim.
Who benefits
Alabama state officials who drew and enacted the 2023 congressional redistricting plan, and candidates running under that map's district lines in the 2026 elections.
Who is affected
Black voters in Alabama who live in congressional districts drawn under the 2023 map, particularly those who would have had a stronger opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice under the court-ordered remedial map. Also affected are county election officials who must now reassign hundreds of thousands of voters to new district lines on a very short timeline.
Practical impact
Alabama's 2026 congressional elections — including a special primary set for August 11 — will be conducted under the state's 2023 redistricting map rather than the court-ordered remedial map. County election officials must manually reassign hundreds of thousands of voters to new congressional districts on an extremely compressed timeline, with some counties having only days to complete a process that typically takes months. The legal fight over whether Alabama's map violates the Voting Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment will continue through the normal appeals process.
Majority reasoning
The Court held that Alabama is likely to succeed on the merits of its appeal under the updated standards set in Louisiana v. Callais, which requires that a plaintiff's proposed alternative map must perform just as well as the state's map on all of the state's legitimate redistricting goals — including keeping the Gulf Coast community together and avoiding pairing incumbents — before a Voting Rights Act violation can be found. The Court reasoned that the district court failed to apply this standard because the plaintiffs' alternative map did not meet those criteria equally well. The Court also found that the district court improperly treated Alabama's legal disagreement with the earlier court order as evidence of intentional racial discrimination, rather than applying the required presumption that legislatures act in good faith. Additionally, the Court cited the well-established principle that federal courts should not change election rules close to an election, and concluded that the state — not the courts — should decide whether last-minute map changes are in its interest.
Dissent reasoning
The dissent argued that the district court's finding of intentional racial discrimination under the Fourteenth Amendment — a separate legal claim from the Voting Rights Act claim — was not touched by Callais, which addressed only what the Voting Rights Act requires, not what the Constitution forbids. Justice Sotomayor wrote that the district court carefully applied the presumption of legislative good faith, bent over backwards to give Alabama every benefit of the doubt, and still found overwhelming evidence that Alabama deliberately made it mathematically impossible to draw a second district giving Black voters a fair opportunity to elect their preferred candidate. The dissent also argued that the majority's invocation of the principle against last-minute election changes (the "Purcell principle") was backwards: the court-ordered remedial map had been in place for over two years and was already loaded into voter rolls, while switching to the 2023 map would require county officials to manually reassign roughly 600,000 voters in a matter of days — a task Alabama's own election director previously said takes three to four months. Finally, the dissent argued that Alabama should not be rewarded for openly defying a court order that the Supreme Court itself had affirmed, and that the Court was undermining the rule of law by allowing Alabama's deliberate noncompliance to succeed.
Constitutional question
Did the federal district court err by reinstating a court-drawn congressional map for Alabama — rather than allowing the state's own 2023 map — after the Supreme Court's updated standards for Voting Rights Act claims in Louisiana v. Callais? And did the district court correctly find that Alabama intentionally discriminated against Black voters in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment?
Precedent changed
The ruling applies and extends Louisiana v. Callais (2026), which updated the Thornburg v. Gingles (1986) standards for proving a Voting Rights Act §2 redistricting violation, requiring that a plaintiff's alternative map meet all of the state's legitimate districting objectives just as well as the state's own map.