Docket 14-556
Obergefell
DecidedJun 26, 2015
5-4decision
Source: CourtListener.
Supreme Court requires all states to license and recognize same-sex marriages
What it does
The Court held that the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses guarantee same-sex couples the fundamental right to marry. All states must issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples on the same terms as opposite-sex couples, and all states must recognize same-sex marriages validly performed in other states. The 1972 summary ruling in Baker v. Nelson, which had held that same-sex marriage exclusions raised no substantial federal question, was explicitly overruled.
Who benefits
Same-sex couples in all states who wish to marry or have their existing marriages legally recognized. Children being raised by same-sex couples who gain the legal stability and protections that come with their parents' recognized marriage.
Who is affected
State governments in Michigan, Kentucky, Ohio, Tennessee, and all other states that defined marriage as a union between one man and one woman, which are now required to license and recognize same-sex marriages. Religious organizations and individuals who hold traditional views of marriage retain the right to advocate and teach those views, but the state may no longer enforce those views through marriage licensing laws.
Practical impact
Same-sex couples in every state immediately gained the legal right to obtain a marriage license and have their marriages recognized for all purposes — including hospital visitation, inheritance, spousal benefits, tax filing status, adoption rights, and over a thousand federal law provisions tied to marital status. States with constitutional amendments or statutes limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples were required to stop enforcing those laws. Couples like James Obergefell, who had married in another state but lived in a non-recognizing state, gained the right to have their marriages reflected on official documents such as death certificates.
Majority — Kennedy
The majority held that the right to marry is a fundamental liberty protected by the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause, and that this right applies equally to same-sex couples for four reasons: (1) personal choices about marriage are central to individual autonomy and self-definition; (2) marriage supports a uniquely important two-person union that same-sex couples have the same right to form; (3) marriage safeguards children and families, and excluding same-sex couples harms and stigmatizes their children; and (4) marriage is a cornerstone of social order, and locking same-sex couples out of it demeans them by treating them as unequal. The Court also reasoned that the Equal Protection Clause reinforces this conclusion, because the marriage laws at issue denied same-sex couples benefits available to opposite-sex couples and imposed a grave and continuing harm rooted in a long history of disapproval. The majority rejected the argument that courts should wait for the democratic process to resolve the issue, noting that individuals harmed by the denial of a fundamental right need not await legislative action, and that waiting — as the Court's experience with Bowers v. Hardwick showed — inflicts real and lasting injury in the meantime.
Dissent reasoning
The four dissenters wrote separately but shared a core argument: the Constitution does not answer the question of same-sex marriage, and the decision belongs to the people through their elected representatives, not to five unelected judges. Chief Justice Roberts argued that the prior "right to marry" precedents only protected access to marriage as traditionally defined — they never authorized courts to redefine the institution itself — and that the majority's freewheeling use of substantive due process (the doctrine that the Due Process Clause protects certain unenumerated rights) echoed the discredited Lochner era, when courts struck down democratically enacted laws based on judges' own policy preferences. Justice Scalia focused on the democratic harm, arguing that when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified in 1868, every state limited marriage to one man and one woman, making it impossible that the Amendment was understood to prohibit that practice; he warned that allowing nine unelected lawyers to override the people on a question of social policy is fundamentally incompatible with self-governance. Justice Thomas argued that "liberty" in the Due Process Clause historically meant freedom from physical restraint or government interference — not an entitlement to government benefits like a marriage license — and that the petitioners had not been imprisoned or physically restrained, but merely denied a government-conferred status. Justice Alito argued that the traditional understanding of marriage as tied to procreation and child-rearing represents a legitimate, rational basis for state law, that the long-term social consequences of changing that institution are unknown, and that the decision would be used to marginalize Americans who hold traditional views of marriage as a matter of faith or conscience.
Constitutional question
Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state to license a marriage between two people of the same sex, and must a state recognize a same-sex marriage lawfully performed in another state?
Precedent changed
Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810 (1972), which had held that the exclusion of same-sex couples from marriage did not present a substantial federal question, was explicitly overruled. The ruling also effectively extended Loving v. Virginia (1967) and related marriage-rights precedents to cover same-sex couples.