HR-6528-119
Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Intelligence (Permanent Select), for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.
Sponsored by Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL)
What it does
This bill would require the Director of National Intelligence to submit a report — within 180 days of enactment — to Congress and the Secretary of the Treasury analyzing oil purchases by China from Iran and Chinese financial support for Iran's ballistic missile program since 2020. The report would specifically assess the use of transshipment points and shell companies to evade U.S. sanctions. Within six months of receiving that report, the Secretary of the Treasury would be required to determine whether China is engaged in sanctionable activities and report that determination to Congress.
Who benefits
Members of Congress and relevant committees who would gain structured intelligence on China-Iran transactions. The Treasury Department, which would receive actionable findings to inform sanctions decisions. U.S. defense and national security agencies that could use the findings to shape policy. Countries and industries that compete with Iranian oil exports. U.S. energy producers who compete with sanctioned Iranian oil that reaches global markets through Chinese purchases. Allies and partners seeking to enforce Iran sanctions regimes.
Who is hurt
Chinese state-owned and private entities currently purchasing Iranian oil or supplying missile-related materials, who could face new U.S. sanctions based on the report's findings. Iran, which relies heavily on Chinese oil purchases as a primary revenue source under existing sanctions. Shell companies and intermediaries in third countries used as transshipment points, who could be exposed and targeted. U.S.-China trade relations broadly, if the report's findings lead to secondary sanctions that affect Chinese firms with U.S. business ties. Intelligence community personnel who would bear the workload of producing the report within the 180-day window.
Supporters argue
Supporters argue that China has become Iran's dominant oil customer, purchasing an estimated 90% of Iran's oil exports and providing Tehran with billions in revenue that funds its ballistic missile program and regional proxy activities — directly undermining U.S. sanctions. They contend that requiring a formal, structured intelligence assessment forces the executive branch to confront sanction evasion systematically and gives Congress the factual basis needed to legislate or demand enforcement action, rather than relying on ad hoc reporting.
Opponents argue
Opponents argue that the U.S. intelligence community already monitors China-Iran transactions and that mandating a formal report adds bureaucratic process without new enforcement authority, since the bill does not require the Treasury to impose sanctions — only to make a determination. They contend that publicizing such an assessment, even in classified form, could tip off evasion networks and complicate ongoing diplomatic efforts with China on other priorities, potentially producing geopolitical costs that outweigh the informational benefit.